Jim Nichols

Writer, Blogger, Candidate for GA State House 

Thoughts on the stimulus...

Dough Henwood over at Left Business Observer writes...
spending so far is quite small—about 1% of GDP has been actually disbursed and received. By contrast, the WPA during the 1930s spent about twice that much—and built thousands of schools, rebuilt thousands of hospitals, repaved 280,000 miles of road, etc. No one is even talking about anything like that now. And two, the spending by state is kind of amazing. Toward the top of the list, measured against total income in the state, are small places like Alaska, North Dakota, Montana, and South Dakota. Toward the bottom, a lot of big ones: New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut among them. California just missed making the bottom 10. Fascinating how Washington redistributes money away from states that are more liberal towards those that are most conservative—and most likely to rail against Washington. Can we just cut them off?

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Please tell me it was just a political statement...

So I'm headed over to midtown ATL to canvass for Kasim Reed and on NPR I hear Obama state that he opposed a more short term spending because increasing our long term deficits could push us into a double dip recession.  It was a good thing I was sitting as I nearly fell over.

This morning before work during my blurry eyed blog check i'm glad to see some sanity pointing out the problem with the claim...

Economist Mark Thoma--Obama's wrongheaded thinking on Deficit:  

I hope his economic advisers set him straight, though I suppose there's a chance that this nonsense is coming from them. We needed a larger stimulus package to begin with, and the economy could still use more help, labor markets in particular.

Let's hope that this doesn't turn into a call to actually start balancing the budget before the economy has fully recovered as that would increase the chances of the double dip recession that he is so worried about (something we should have learned from the 1937-38 experience where an attempt to balance the budget prematurely plunged the economy back into recession).

These comments also make it sound like any jobs program, if we get one at all, will be limited to (right-wing approved) tax cuts which is, in my opinion, inferior to direct job creation strategies. Tax cuts can be part of the mix, but by themselves are unlikely to do enough to solve the employment problem.

Brad Delong over at Berkeley does a great follow up Fiscal Expansion that is Deficit Neutral in the long run...

One way to interpret this--which may or may not be wrong--is that right now we are really and truly fracked beyond previous imagining. Let's go back to the old ca. 1960 standard macroeconomic diagram, with the interest rate on the vertical axis and the economy's level of spending on the horizontal axis. We then have:

  • A red curve the IS curve, which tells us what the economy's (real) spending level is--the sum of household spending on consumption, business spending on investment, net exports, all functions of this real interest rate, plus government purchases) as a function of the current value of the (real, long-term, risky) interest rate (and also of lots of other stuff that affects the position of the curve)...

  • A blue curve, the LM curve, which tells us what the (short-term safe nominal) interest rate is as a function of the (nominal) spending level that is consistent with households' and businesses' being willing to hold the economy's current money stock...

  • A double-headed orange arrow, the spread, the difference between the short-term safe nomina interest rate and the long-term risky real interest rate--the difference between the two being the sum of a term premium, an expected inflation rate, and a risk and default premium...

Document1

In this framework, the problem with credit easing--the central bank increasing the money supply now and moving the blue curve to the right without changing expectations of what the money stock will be in the long-term future--is that the curve has flat because cash and short-term Treasury bonds are close substitutes, so you expand the money supply by a lot while doing little to boost spending and employment and land yourself with the problem of unwinding the money stock increase in the future in a way that does not hurt spending and employment when you do so:

Document1

(Quantitative easing--pouring a whole bunch of cash in the system with the idea of never reversing the money stock expansion could boost spending and employment considerably by creating expectations of inflation and so reducing the spread--but the Federal Reserve is not going there, and regards the idea with horror, shock, and shame.)

In this framework, banking policy--recapitalizing banks further and issuing government guarantees to shrink the spread--boosts spending and employment even when, as now, cash and short-term Treasuries are close substitutes. The problem with banking policy today is that no member of congress of either party of any political persuasion wants to get out in front supporting it.

In this framework, the problem with fiscal expansion--the government purchasing a bunch more things right now and so shifting the red curve to the right--is that it boosts the supply of government bonds in the future and so may raise the double-headed orange arrow that is the spread, getting you absolutely nowhere:

Document1

So what can we do? Looks like we are well and truly fracked.

Well. maybe not. My position on further fiscal expansion is twofold:

  • The claim that further government purchases would widen the spread might be true. It might now. Let's try it and see. The debt held by the public on Monday was $7,632,033,766,420.46. The debt held by the public a year and a half ago was $5,218,570,776,014.84. We have managed to boost the debt held by the public by $2,413,462,990,405.62 in eighteen months without materially moving the term premium significantly. (The risk premium has moved--there is a financial crisis on, after all.) So let's try it and find out.

  • This is an opportunity. We really need to reduce the deficit after 2030. We really need to have more government purchases now. So raise spending now, and raise taxes and impose spending caps starting in 2013 so that by the end of the 20-year budget window the projected debt is unchanged. Thus we move the red line without increasing the spread: there's now increased supply of bonds in the long term to push up the interest rate on them. And we solve both our current near-depression problem and our post-2030 structural deficit problem.

To say that the Obama Admin dropped the ball on the stimulus package would be an understatement---they under spent and put too much into tax cuts (which people save... rather than spend defeating the whole purpose stimulus). 

Lets hope that some jobs programs or transfers to the states to plug holes in state budgets is coming... and please tell me Obama really didn't mean that shot term spending would bring a double dip recession.  The Great Depression was prolonged BECAUSE (what was it '37 i'm fuzzy and don't have time to look it up?) the government began to focus on deficit reduction... and it didn't end until the massive stimulus program known a World War two.

One we should start moving towards was touched on yesterday by the New York Times editorial--Hunger in the United States:

According to the new federal data, the number of people in households that lacked consistent access to adequate nutrition rose to 49 million in 2008, 13 million more than in the previous year and the most since the federal government began keeping the data 14 years ago.

About a third of struggling households had what the researchers called “very low food security,” meaning that members of the household skipped meals, cut portions or passed on food at some point during the year because they lacked money. The other two-thirds managed to feed themselves by eating cheaper or less varied foods, relying on government aid like food stamps or resorting to food pantries and soup kitchens, which have been seeing heavier and heavier traffic in recent years.

Families with inadequate resources typically feed the children first, shielding them from hardship as much as possible. But the new data showed that the number of households in which children were exposed to “very low food security” rose to 506,000 from 323,000 in 2007.

The Bush administration tried to deep-six this annual survey. But President Obama has dealt with it openly and called the danger to children especially troubling.

Mr. Obama, who is traveling in Asia, has set himself the task of wiping out child hunger by 2015. To do that, Congress needs to get busy on a broad plan to expand and fully pay for a whole range of nutritional programs aimed at school-age children and their families. Only then will vulnerable children across the country get the nutrition they need.

A short term spending boast to low income families and extensions of unemployment could help start the dialogue on this issue.  Talking economic voodoo, Mr. President, isn't going to move us towards those kinds of discussions....

"Mere parsimony is not economy.... Expense, and great expense, may be an essential part in true economy." 

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For those who don't want to increase government spending...

on things like extending unemployment benifits, jobs programs, and sending states money to help plug budget holes... here's another option to ponder!
 
Why the Federal Reserve should LITERALLY throw money out of helicopters 
The situation has a name in the economic jargon - a liquidity trap.  An American – not a Japanese version of a liquidity trap – but a liquidity trap nonetheless.  No matter how much “money” the Fed supplies the public will want to hold it.  Monetary policy is thus useless.  

This is usually made out (by Krugman et al) as an excuse for massive fiscal policy.  And I am not averse to that.  

However there is another approach which I detailed in my lessons from shorting JGBs post.  The argument: if you can’t fix the problem with increasing money supply then maybe you can fix the problem with decreasing money demand.  

You need to convince people not to hold money.  You need to convince them that cash is trash.

And to do that you need to convince the public that there will be inflation (the above gross leverage argument notwithstanding).  

To do that the Federal Reserve has to be credibly irresponsible.  It is not enough to print a couple of trillion dollars (which they have) because everyone thinks (with some justification) that they will suck back the money supply when the crisis is over.

No – you have to be more visibly reckless than that.  You have to really convince people that there will be inflation.  

So the suggestion in my title is literal.  The Federal Reserve should hire a couple of hundred helicopters and load each one 10 million dollars in neatly bound parcels of $1000 each.  Total cost $2 billion plus trivial helicopter hire.

It should fly them over 200 randomly picked American cities and throw the money out the window.  It should press release this – but press coverage will be excessive.  Indeed I suspect that the press coverage would give the Fed’s inflation policy greater awareness than the Coca Cola Company.  (The Coca Cola Company’s annual advertising budget is $2.8 billion – so this is already cheap compared to some private sector alternatives.)  

The press release should be simple.  We are doing this to induce inflation.  If there is no inflation as a result we will simply do it again. 

Of course people will fall of roofs after searching for money that might have landed on their house.  They might die.  Of course people might get trampled in the crush.  They might die too.  

All of this increases the visible recklessness of the policy.

But the charm of this.  It may actually induce mass spending of American dollars for (self-fulfilling fear of inflation)– a massive stimulus.  And it will do it all for $2 billon.  Obama has a stimulus package of $1.2 trillion – or about 600 times as large.  This is relatively cheap.

The real case for throwing money out of helicopters is that it looks like it will work better than anything else that anyone has come up with yet.

And it will be cheap.  Much cheaper than alternatives that are actually being implemented.

The secondary benefit is that most of the losses from inflation will be in the hands of the Chinese who have built huge reserves of soon-to-be-deflated US dollars.  

Hey what better – lets kick start the economy and get the Chinese to pay.

I am serious.  At least serious until I can get a credible explanation as to why this won't work at least as well as any of the alternatives being mooted.

 
 
 
 

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Fiscal Conservatives and "Conservatives"[sic]

Bookman on being a fiscal conservative...  

Politically, I’m a fiscal conservative as well. No, not a fiscal conservative as the GOP has tried to define it, but an actual fiscal conservative. I believe that in normal times the federal government ought to be raising as much in tax revenue as it spends, and spending no more than it brings in. (Note that these are not normal times.)

The Republican Party has tried, with some success, to redefine “fiscal conservative” by looking only at one side of the ledger. A fiscal conservative in GOP parlance is someone who cuts taxes, period.

Oh, they give lip service to cutting spending. They promise it, but they never deliver it. Quite the contrary. Federal spending under Ronald Reagan, for example, increased much faster than it did under Bill Clinton, even after adjusting for inflation. But since Reagan also cut taxes, he is recalled by some as a fiscal conservative.

At one level, putting together a federal budget is not at all complicated. You face two basic, simple policy decisions:

– Are you going to cut spending or raise spending?

– Are you going to cut taxes or raise taxes?

Combining those choices from either side of the accounting ledger gives you four basic policy directions, ranked here in order of fiscal conservatism. You can:

1. Cut spending and raise taxes.

2a. Cut spending and cut taxes.

2b. Raise spending and raise taxes.

4. Raise spending and lower taxes.

The most fiscally conservative approach is clearly the first, especially when the national debt is so high. Ideally, the fastest means to bring our economic house into order would be to both cut spending and raise taxes. But politically, no one has come close to pulling that approach off and no one will. It is a political reality that no one of either party can get elected or stay in office by cutting entitlements, which is where the big savings would be.

Fiscally speaking, options 2a and 2b can be equally responsible. But again, the option of cutting spending is not politically viable. (Cutting can be accomplished in individual programs, but cutting to produce an actual reduction in federal spending is impossible.) Republicans can and do claim to champion option 2a, but nothing in their record in office suggests they are serious about it.

The least fiscally conservative approach, the approach that is least fiscally responsible, would be No. 4. That is also the approach that “fiscally conservative” Republican leadership at the national level has pursued with dogged determination, in good times or bad.

President Obama claims to want to change all that. In these extraordinary times, even most conservative economists agree that large deficits are required to keep the economy afloat. But in his speeches in China and here at home, Obama has acknowledged that such deficits have to be temporary, that they cannot be sustained at anything close to these levels over the long term without bringing economic ruin.

I don’t know how serious he is about it. We’ll see. He is talking about spending cuts, and they are absolutely necessary. But in the real world such cuts can only shrink the rate of increase. They cannot reverse it, and Obama knows it. Given the upward pressure on the budget, the only feasible means of addressing the longterm debt crisis is through tax increases.

That statement will no doubt be met by howls of protest from the tea-party crowd, which has accepted as an article of faith that they are wildly overtaxed by a confiscatory federal government. The numbers say they’re wrong; the numbers say that as a percentage of GDP, federal taxes today are well within the range established in the last 40 years, and would remain so even with tax increases.

Of course, forced to choose between actual facts and comforting myth, a lot of people would choose the myth. But myths don’t pay the bills. Myths don’t bolster the dollar. Myths don’t save our grandchildren from the immense bills we’re handing them as a legacy.

Assessing our options, you might even say that Obama and the country as a whole face the same question posed by the poet himself oh so many years ago:

2b, or not 2b?

As to where I stand---"Mere parsimony is not economy.... Expense, and great expense, may be an essential part in true economy." 
 
 
 

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Revenue and Health Care Costs... conservatives are roadblocks to fiscal sustainability...

"Mere parsimony is not economy.... Expense, and great expense, may be an essential part in true economy." 
 
Economist Brad Delong on Budget Deficit...
 
 
Safari
  • In the short term, we don't have a deficit problem: as long as unemployment remains highly elevated--certainly as long as the unemployment rate stays above 7%--and as long as interest rates on U.S. Treasuries stay low a bigger federal deficit is a feature not a bug: our short-term deficit problem (and the short term lasts for most of Obama's remaining term) is that the deficit is too small, not too big.

  • In the long term, our deficit problem is a federal government health spending problem. Unless medical care cost growth is brought under control--and here the drivers are not factors specific to government programs, for private-sector medical expenditures are exploding at least as rapidly as Medicare and Medicaid--then excess medical cost growth will lead the federal government health programs to first devour the rest of the social insurance state in the years after 2020 and then devour themselves.

  • In the medium term between 2012 and 2020 we are, current projections tell us, on a sustainable budget path--with a budget deficit "no larger than the average of the past thirty years," as the Bush administration flacks used to tell us--with a stable debt-to-GDP ratio as long as output does not grow more slowly than projected and as long as congress observes PAYGO: as long as congress pays for whatever policy changes it makes.

Doug Elmendorf's worry--the thing that makes him pay attention not to the solid medium-term sustainable-deficit lines in the graph above but to the dotted medium-term unsustainable-deficit lines in the graph above--is that congress will not pay for the policy changes it enacts.

So now let's turn the microphone over to Matthew Yglesias:

The Surprisingly Easy Medium-Term Budget Fix: The dashed lines, however, represent a “current policy” scenario in which we assume that some of the Bush tax cuts will be extended and also that the AMT threshold will continue to be pushed up. Those are reasonable assumptions.... Elmendorf, in other words, isn’t wrong to worry about that.

But... this nuance is lost on the man in the street. The problem... isn’t... that we’re driving toward the edge of the cliff. The problem is... congress seems overwhelmingly likely to steer us [over the cliff].... It’s absurd for [congressional] politicians to be... engaged in highly public deficit hand-wringing...

while not admitting that they could solve the problem by simply saying no.

Senator Evan Bayh and others sound a lot like they are saying: "The President needs to do something to keep us from voting the way we have decided to vote!!"

That's just sad.

Just say "PAYGO," starting in fiscal 2012. That's all that it will (probably) take for the medium term...

Its important to remember that bringing health care costs to the levels of other industrialized nations who all have universal health care dramatically improves our deficit--on top of that, ending the Bush tax cuts that created a huge chunk of our budget deficits.
 
Conservatives in both the Democrat and Republican parties have been the biggest roadblocks when it comes to both issues--these are important reminders of how "liberal" has come to mean fiscally responsible. 

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National Security... Republican ineptitude...

In a two party system you have to choose between one of the two major parties.  When it comes to the national level I have leaned Democrat for many reasons--one of the biggest deciding factors has been on the question of national security.
 
The nature of political bureaucracies and patronage means that no matter who is on top--the bureaucracies are filled with insiders who have worked their way up the political chain.  My distrust of the Bush Administration and their internal apparatus means that Republican administrations for a number of election cycles will be filled with appointments and insiders that come directly out of the Bush machine. 
 
A senior counsel to the 9/11 Commission, John Farmer, has written a book on the 9/11 aftermath.  Todays New York TImes book review gives a good overview of the ineptitude of the Bush Administration....  

Perhaps nothing perturbs Farmer more than the contention that high-ranking officials responded quickly and effectively to the revelation that Qaeda attacks were taking place. Nothing, Farmer indicates, could be further from the truth: President George W. Bush and other officials were mostly irrelevant during the hijackings; instead, it was the ground-level commanders who made operational decisions in an ad hoc fashion. The memoirs of the White House terrorism expert Richard Clarke, which Farmer credits with good faith, make it sound as though a dramatic video­conference that Clarke led played a crucial role in organizing a response to the hijackings, but Farmer says that “this account does not square in any significant respect with what occurred that morning.”

To bolster such contentions, Farmer focuses minutely on newly available transcripts from the Federal Aviation Administration and the North American Aerospace Defense Command (Norad). He shows that, perversely enough, the one defense agency that had suffered draconian budget cuts was Norad, which had seen its alert sites reduced from about two dozen to a pitiful seven and, in any case, was unable to view large areas of the continental United States owing to its antiquated radar system.

In addition, local commanders bypassed established protocols for reporting and requesting assistance for a hijacking, in part because they had so little time in which to act. Farmer superbly renders the knuckle-biting tension and confusion engendered by the hijackings, and says the leadership of the F.A.A. and the Defense Department “would remain largely irrelevant to the critical decision making and unaware of the evolving situation ‘on the ground’ until the attacks were completed” — thereby making it close to impossible for the military to inter­cept any aircraft.

Yet both Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and Vice President Dick Cheney, Farmer says, provided palpably false versions that touted the military’s readiness to shoot down United 93 before it could hit Washington. Planes were never in place to intercept it. By the time the Northeast Air Defense Sector had been informed of the hijacking, United 93 had already crashed. Farmer scrutinizes F.A.A. and Norad rec­ords to provide irrefragable evidence that a day after a Sept. 17 White House briefing, both agencies suddenly altered their chronologies to produce a coherent timeline and story that “fit together nicely with the account provided publicly by Deputy Defense Secretary Wolfowitz and Vice President Cheney.”

Farmer further observes that the Bush administration wrongly asserted that the chain of command functioned on 9/11; that President Bush issued an authorization to shoot down hijacked commercial flights; and that top officials at F.A.A. headquarters coordinated their actions with the military. Farmer’s verdict: “History should record that whether through unprecedented administrative incompetence or orchestrated mendacity, the American people were misled about the nation’s response to the 9/11 attacks.”

--
James A. Nichols IV
cell: (770) 312-6736
 
"Nothing in the world can take the place of Persistence. Talent will not; nothing is more common than unsuccessful men with talent. Genius will not; unrewarded genius is almost a proverb. Education will not; the world is full of educated derelicts. Persistence and determination alone are omnipotent. The slogan 'Press On' has solved and always will solve the problems of the human race."     ---Calvin Coolidge (1872 - 1933)
 
"I have come to the conclusion that politics are too serious a matter to be left to the politicians."    Charles De Gaulle (1890 - 1970)
 
 

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I'll leave you with these thoughts for the night...

"Only as we discover the extent to which secularism has colored our perspectives will we be able to hold out hope of coming to terms with the religious deception of our time."    --David Pacini
 
"It's a queer feeling to be so utterly dependent on the help of others, but at least it teaches one to be grateful, a lesson I hope I shall never forget. In normal life we hardly realize how much more we receive than we give, and life cannot be rich without such gratitude. It is so easy to overestimate the importance of our own achievements compared with what we owe to the help of others."  --D. B.
 

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On why we need more moderate Republicans...

As I've mentioned many times, I came to party politics distrusting and frustrated with both political parties but that I found the Democrats to have a bigger tent with a less ideologically driven agenda... (it goes without saying this was during the Bush era...) 

Former Chair of the Henry County Republican Party Charles Mobley posted a great example--legislating morality is not something government should be doing, stating:

Representative Davis should leave the teaching of moral values to the families and not subject the people of the state to what his moral beliefs are about. Davis seems to pander to the far right on issues sometimes. He believes he in what he does, however not everyone believes in him. Some things are better left alone. When the Republican far right wing is focused upon the center is ignored.

We will be moving in the right direction[sic] as a nation when ideologues who hold these kinds of priorities lose power and influence within the Republican base. 

Until that day, moderates will have a tough time within the Republican Party, and our nation will be the worse for it.... 

I do hope some moderates show up in Republican primaries to challenge Republican ideologues... though I'm not confident that it will happen as seen from Glen Becks influence on Republican activists....

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Why socialism is utopian...

Came across a Rosa Luxemburg essay and this snippet reminds us why the socialist ambitions of the 19th-20th century failed...

In a word: the workingman in a Socialist industrial state must show that he can work decently and diligently, without capitalists and slavedrivers behind his back: that of his own volition he can maintain discipline and do his best. This demands mental discipline, moral stamina, it demands a feeling of self-respect and responsibility, a spiritual rebirth of the workingman.

Socialism cannot be realized with lazy, careless, egotistic, thoughtless and shiftless men and women. A Socialist state of society needs people everyone of whom is full of enthusiasm and fervor for the general welfare, full of a spirit of self-sacrifice and sympathy for his fellow men, full of courage and tenacity and the willingness to dare even against the greatest odds.

It goes without saying that this holds true for its intellectual cousin... laissez faire capitalism.
 
When it comes to human beings/human nature I side with conservatives like Friedrich Nietzsche and Edmund Burke over the Enlightenment ideal of human beings...
 

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Gays aren't families...[sic]

A picture speaks a thousand words...  "the gays aren't families"????

Image: Gay marriage supporters
 
 
I was reading a story on the repeal of the gay-marriage law in Maine this week 
This picture kind of ripped at my heart... and it brings up a separate question I've been wanting to address.  Are homosexuals in long term monogamous relationships families?  To many of you I'm sure this seems like a really strange question for me to be asking.  But I wanted to post on it because my State Representative, Steve Davis, says no they are not families. 

 I'd link you to his blog post directly for this quote but for some reason its not up right now.  So I'll link to a post on this from Blog for Democracy:

Today is the 17th legislative day of the session. It is called Family Day so that legislators can bring their wifes [sic] and kids up for the day and show our family atmosphere. However I do not bring my family due to the spectacle presented by the fringe groups in front of our children. You have Labor Unions, "Working Families" wanting minimum wage increases, marches for racial equality, and the worst is GSLBT [sic] groups that try to prove they are families too(by exposing our young children to them kissing and holding hands). I will just say that I am very passionate about the issues but I did not get into politics to expose my children to adult issues. It is a shame that these groups try to exploit this event the way they do.
I'm going to pass over the other reasons why family day is exploited and inappropriate for his children and just stick to the issue of whether Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgendered (LGBT) couples can be a family . Go look at the Definition of family real quick for context...

Steve Davis' position is that homosexuals aren't families.  That's a radical position.

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