Jim Nichols

Writer, Blogger, Candidate for GA State House 

Gays aren't families...[sic]

A picture speaks a thousand words...  "the gays aren't families"????

Image: Gay marriage supporters
 
 
I was reading a story on the repeal of the gay-marriage law in Maine this week 
This picture kind of ripped at my heart... and it brings up a separate question I've been wanting to address.  Are homosexuals in long term monogamous relationships families?  To many of you I'm sure this seems like a really strange question for me to be asking.  But I wanted to post on it because my State Representative, Steve Davis, says no they are not families. 

 I'd link you to his blog post directly for this quote but for some reason its not up right now.  So I'll link to a post on this from Blog for Democracy:

Today is the 17th legislative day of the session. It is called Family Day so that legislators can bring their wifes [sic] and kids up for the day and show our family atmosphere. However I do not bring my family due to the spectacle presented by the fringe groups in front of our children. You have Labor Unions, "Working Families" wanting minimum wage increases, marches for racial equality, and the worst is GSLBT [sic] groups that try to prove they are families too(by exposing our young children to them kissing and holding hands). I will just say that I am very passionate about the issues but I did not get into politics to expose my children to adult issues. It is a shame that these groups try to exploit this event the way they do.
I'm going to pass over the other reasons why family day is exploited and inappropriate for his children and just stick to the issue of whether Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgendered (LGBT) couples can be a family . Go look at the Definition of family real quick for context...

Steve Davis' position is that homosexuals aren't families.  That's a radical position.

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good policy makers will always keep this in mind...

Mere parsimony is not economy.... Expense, and great expense, may be an essential part in true economy. 

Its a pretty basic truism... its something I try to always keep in mind @JimN2010 when I'm looking at the challenges facing this state and smart policy.

Policymakers who don't understand this tend to be reckless and/or radical... or radically reckless...  or however you want to phrase it...

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Jon Stewart did a wonderful segment with Israeli/Palestinian peace activists...

Anna Baltzer & Mustafa Barghouti Extended Interview Pt. 1
Exclusive - Anna Baltzer & Mustafa Barghouti Extended Interview Pt. 2
 
Jon Stewart is on the cutting edge of bringing real news, addressing real issues, and exposing media/political hypocrisy...  add the middle east to his level headed analysis and efforts...
 
Jon Stewart Creates Sea Change on Middle East Coverage
 

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annual growth versus annual changes in the unemployment rate over the past 60 years

I posted on stimulus early this morning before work...
 
Here is scatterplot via economist Paul Krugman to remind us why more money to do things like extend unemployment, patch holes in state budgets to fill in for declining revenues, and other efforts to keep the economy on life support is vital:
DESCRIPTION
Free Exchange blog over at The Economist magazine chimed in on Krugman's chart Third quarter growth not nearly enough:
And consider this: the last time the unemployment rate hit its current level was during the recession of 1981-1982 (during which the unemployment rate actually peaked at 10.8% during the final quarter of the recession). Here are the quarterly growth rates for the six quarters immediately following the end of that recession: 5.1%, 9.3%, 8.1%, 8.5%, 8.0%, 7.1%. And at the end of that period, the unemployment rate was still above 7%. For the last recession, which ended in the fourth quarter of 2001, quarterly growth in the next six quarters looked like this: 3.5%, 2.1%, 2.0%, 0.1%, 1.6%, 3.2%. 

Essentially, we are looking at a situation in which, absent some significant and surprise change in the economic outlook, American unemployment will remain near 10% through the end of 2010, at least. It is difficult to predict the political fall-out from that kind of sustained level of joblessness, but I can imagine some of the probable effects, including growing anger at Wall Street and foreign exporters, particularly China. The seeds will be sown for an unpleasant populist uprising, which might well do a lot of damage to American economic policy.

It's not a happy place to be. And I don't really understand why there isn't more visible concern in Washington (or on Wall Street, for that matter) about this state of affairs.

 
Until the economy is powered by the private sector again, you're stuck with two options--do nothing ad watch things remain stagnate if not dip down again, or have government keep the economy on life support. 
 
Americans need jobs and our economy needs to get back to strong growth.  The impacts of unemployment are devastating---in the real world, where real people are facing, real struggles...  keeping revenues up and further reducing unemployment should be top priority. 
 
Talking heads might take a blase approach to the unemployment numbers and lack of strong growth--from them you get the do nothing, wait it out approach.  Generally speaking these were the same people who said that government spending wouldn't prop up the economy until the private sector could get back on its feet. 
 
Americans have gotten the short end of the stick from government over the past decade--no wonder nobody trusts they can do anything right....  8 years of Republican leadership got me to work for Democrats, Tonjia must be rolling in her grave!
 
Democrats need to do the right thing and take the lead in passing some kind of jobs bill or at the very least extends unemployment.  The job of government is to protect and empower its citizens.  We have the tools to keep the economy on life support and throw life rafts out to American families who are struggling--we need the leadership to make it happen.
--
James A. Nichols IV
cell: (770) 312-6736
www.JimN2010.com
www.JimNichols4.com

"Nothing in the world can take the place of Persistence. Talent will not; nothing is more common than unsuccessful men with talent. Genius will not; unrewarded genius is almost a proverb. Education will not; the world is full of educated derelicts. Persistence and determination alone are omnipotent. The slogan 'Press On' has solved and always will solve the problems of the human race."     ---Calvin Coolidge (1872 - 1933)

"I have come to the conclusion that politics are too serious a matter to be left to the politicians."    Charles De Gaulle (1890 - 1970)

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Memories of UC Davis...

Jim walked by the a zillion times... The egg-head status!!!
 
Edge of the American West posted on them
 


 

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Quote for the day...

"Men go abroad to wonder at the heights of mountains, at the huge waves of the sea, at the long courses of the rivers, at the vast compass of the ocean, at the circular motions of the stars, and they pass by themselves without wondering."     - Saint Augustine


                                                                 

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One proposal for a Republican resurgence... act like Democrats...

The impacts of 8 years of Bush, as well as watching conservative ideologues take control of the Republican party got people like me involved with the lesser of two evils.  Obama got elected because of a distrust of conservative ideology.  The Sarah Palins of the party, the flat-eartherr' birthers,  the party opposition to the stimulus bill, and being the party of no isn't helping.  Whats a republican to do?
 
Mark Thoma walks us through one recent commentary on how Republicans can gain traction with voters...
 
"Pro-Market Populism"

Luigi Zingales is worried that populist anger might fall into the hands of evil Democrats rather than Republicans who would, of course, use this strong populist force for good:

Pro-Market Populism Is GOP's Out, by Luigi Zingales, Commentary, investors.com: ...[T]he financial crisis has created significant discontent. In a survey taken last December, 60% of Americans declared themselves "angry" or "very angry" about the economic situation.
If Republicans ignore this popular anger, as the party establishment did last autumn, they leave a powerful and potentially disruptive force in the hands of Democrats. The Democrats could channel popular anger into protectionism, 90% tax rates and onerous new market constraints.
In Republican hands, populism could become a strong force for positive change.

And Republicans would do this by adopting Democratic ideas:

The Republican Party has to move from a pro-business strategy that defends the interests of existing companies to a pro- market strategy that fosters open competition and freedom of entry.
While the two agendas sometimes coincide, they are often at odds. Established firms are threatened by competition and frequently use their political muscle to restrict new entries into their industry, strengthening their positions but putting their customers at a disadvantage.

Reducing market power through regulation and is something Democrats have long advocated, but Republicans have argued that the market takes care of this itself, there's no need for government to intervene. So how would Republicans solve the problem in, say, the financial industry?

A pro-market strategy aims to encourage the best conditions for doing business, for everyone. Large banks benefit from trading derivatives (such as credit default swaps) over the counter, rather than in an organized exchange. ... For this reason, they oppose moving such trades to organized exchanges, where transactions would be conducted with greater transparency, liquidity and collateralization — and so with greater financial stability. This is where a pro-market party needs the courage to take on the financial industry on behalf of everyone else.

Again, that sounds like what Democrats have been saying, that these markets need to be regulated.

What else is involved in this pro-market strategy that will save the Republican party?

A pro-market strategy rejects subsidies because they're a waste of taxpayers' money and because they prop up inefficient firms, delaying the entry of new and more efficient competitors.
And a pro-market approach holds companies financially accountable for their mistakes — an essential policy if free markets are to produce sound decisions.
A pro-market party will fight tirelessly against letting firms become so big that they cannot be allowed to fail, since such firms may take risks that ordinary companies would never dream of.

I can imagine a few people on the left supporting some types of subsidies, but generally I don't think you'll get much disagreement here either (e.g. see Sachs on subsidies in the post above this one). The accountability thing sounds like a jab at government intervention to save the bank (as does the first point), but take a look at the latest proposal from Democrats that attempts to put the cost of bailouts on the companies themselves while still protecting the economy (as opposed to just letting it melt down). But go on...

A pro-market party should favor a robust safety net — for people, not companies. Of course, this safety net should be run on market principles as much as possible. Unemployment insurance should retain incentives for people to look for work, and the health-insurance industry should be opened up to competition. But defenders of markets cannot ignore the importance of providing such security for citizens.

The details would differ a bit, e.g. the health insurance competition part certainly differs from a Medicare for all structure many Democrats endorse (but not all), but the general idea of a "robust safety net" for people seems consistent with Democratic ideas, less so with Republican principles.

Besides robust safety nests, what else is on the long-time concern of Republican's list?

They also cannot ignore the nation's growing income inequality and the widespread loss of confidence that the future will be better than the past. The knee-jerk Democratic reaction is to give these poorer citizens entitlements disguised as rights.
The Republican response should focus on providing opportunities. Parents should have access to good schools for their kids, regardless of their financial means or where they live. The best way to deliver on that promise is through a voucher system.

Entitlements disguised as rights? Such as?  The general idea that some kids are disadvantaged by the education they receive has been a mainstay within the Democratic party for a long time, and quite a few Democrats endorse vouchers as part of the solution (even breaking up teacher's unions in some cases).

And concern over inequality? From Republicans? Generally Republicans argue that inequality isn't really increasing or as bad as you think (the attack the data when you don't like the answer approach), or that it's necessary to fuel the engine of capitalism.

What's next on the list of Democratic ideas disguised as Republican concerns?

Students should have better access to loans to finance their education because everyone gains from a better-educated work force. The unemployed should have access to retraining, which can also be designed through a voucher system.

Student loans, help with finding new employment? Yet again, strong Democratic ideas. The only thing new is to toss in a voucher system, but that's a debate about how best to reach the goal, not what the goal is (and again, vouchers aren't automatically rejected by all Democrats). I suppose you'll want to adopt health care as a Republican idea as well?

Health care should be available in the marketplace. The current system, in which only employers get a tax deduction for health insurance, reduces labor mobility and increases the cost of becoming unemployed.

What is the goal here? If it's to make health care affordable and available to everyone, simple saying it ought to be "in the marketplace" is far from enough. The incompleteness of the proposal makes this hard to evaluate (but given the proposals so far, you have to think the work "vouchers" would be involved in the solution).

Finally:

The U.S. has been the inspiration for all who believe in freedom, both political and economic. Its identity, however, is predicated on maintaining a political consensus that supports market values.
Growing income inequality, the financial crisis and the perceived unfairness of the market system are undermining this consensus. If Republicans don't stand up for markets, who will?

If standing up for markets means -- running down the list above in order -- reducing market power, regulating financial markets, eliminating subsidies, breaking up too big to fail firms, providing a robust safety net, overcoming income inequality, fixing schools, increasing the availability of student loans, providing retraining, and providing health care, then the answer is Democrats.

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Israel's hamas blunder...

Israel's support for Hamas as a counterbalance to Fatah was probably a bad move, no?

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Market Structures: Perfect Competition

Our microecon class is working on different forms of market structures.  The first one we started with is Perfect Competition.
 
Perfect Competition
  • Fundamental stipulations
 
In a perfectly competitive market, participants, both consumes and producers are price-takers.  Price-taking means that they can't influence the market price--they must "take" the market price.  This is generally always true for consumers, but producers can influence market price of the good or product via their behavior.  Anyways... both producers and consumers are price-takers--the market price is given.
 
Perfectly competitive industries, where producers can't influence price aren't very common.  Individual farmers producing wheat or corn, pharmaceuticals after the patent has run out and generics hit the market; are examples of perfectly competitive markets.
 
None of the producers in a perfectly competitive market can have a large market share--they have have to be one of many firms in the market, none of whom create a very large percentage of the total industry output.
 
Consumers must consider all products equivalent--it has to be some kind of standardized product; a commodity that can't be differentiated by the consumer via preferences or tastes.
 
There has to be free entry and exit into the market.  It has to be easy for new firms to enter and for current firms to leave, there are no government regulations or problems with accessing key resources needed to produce that good.
 
------------------
I'm on the run... if I get time I'll move on to my notes on Production decisions in a perfectly competitive market.
 
The short and sweet of it?  Firms will produce at the point where Marginal Costs = Marginal Revenue.  Marginal Revenue, because the firms are price takers, will also be the demand curve--which is perfectly elastic (horizontal).  So Price will equal Marginal Revenue and the optimal point of production--the point at which the firm is trying to produce to will be where the firms marginal costs intersect the marginal revenue.  Which is at the market price (i.e. the demand curve).

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Delong on Milton Friedman...

Came across an old piece by Berkeley Economics Professor Brad Delong on Milton Friedman.
 
A man who hated government...

His worldview began with a bedrock belief in people and their ability to make judgments for themselves, and thus an imperative to maximize individual freedom. On top of that was layered a trust in free markets as almost always the best and most magical way of coordinating every conceivable task. On top of that was layered a powerful conviction that a look at the empirical facts -- a comparison, or a "marking to market," of one's beliefs with reality -- would generate the right conclusions. And crowning that was a fear and suspicion of government as an easily captured tool for the enrichment of cynical and selfish interests. Suffusing all was a faith in the power of argument and the primacy of reason. Friedman was an optimist. He was convinced people could be taught the truths of economics, and if people were properly taught, then institutions could be built to protect society as a whole against the corruption and overreach of the government.

And he did fear the government. He was a conservative of the old, libertarian school, from the days before the scolds had captured the levers of power in the conservative movement. He hated any government intrusion into people's private business. And he interpreted "people's private business" extremely widely. He detested the war on drugs, which he saw as a cruel and destructive breeder of crime and violence. He scorned government licensing of professionals -- especially doctors, who heard over and over again about how their incomes were boosted by restrictions on the number of doctors that made Americans sicker. He abhorred deficit spending -- again, he was a conservative from another era. He feared that cynical politicians could pretend that the costs of government were less than they were by pushing the raising of taxes to pay for spending off into the future. He sought to inoculate citizens against such political games of three-card monte. "Remember," he would say, "to spend is to tax."

This did not mean that government had no role to play. He endorsed the enforcement of property rights, adjudication of contract disputes -- the standard and powerful rule-of-law underpinnings of the market -- plus a host of other government interventions when empirical circumstances made them appropriate. Sometime empirical circumstances could win Friedman some unexpected allies. Left-wing Mayor Ken Livingstone's congestion tax on cars in central London is an idea straight out of Milton Friedman. Friedman's negative income tax is one of the parents of what is now America's largest anti-poverty program: the earned-income tax credit, which was greatly expanded by Bill Clinton. And, most important, government had a very powerful and necessary role to play in keeping the monetary system working smoothly through proper control of the money stock. If there was always sufficient liquidity in the economy -- enough but not too much -- then you could trust the market system to do its job. If not, you got the Great Depression, or hyperinflation.

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